مجله رهیافت های سیاسی و بین المللی
سال سیزدهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 67، پاییز 1400)

The number of political thinkers who find themselves facing the environmental problems and realize that it is necessary to pay attention to this issue in contemporary political theory is gradually increasing. The problematic nature of the issue is now appeared in two interrelated features in political theorizing. First, in understanding the political factors that create micro and macro environmental problems, and second, in understanding how to deal with them politically. Political theory, as constructive framework of political processes, institutions and actions based on political concepts and value, raises the question of what measures can be taken to prioritize environmental problematics in power relations. In other words, for the political theorist this question arises that how power relations should be "directed", according to a particular political philosophy, in such a way that environmental concerns would be always considered as a fixed priority in these relations. This article is the result of reflection and research with an analytical-critical method on aspects of the environmental problem which require appropriate political theorizing to solve.

This paper examines six methodological myths, which animates a wide range of fallacies in the study of the history of political thought. “The reduction of social facts to language representations” and “the reduction of the relations among politico-intellectual facts to family resemblance and language games” are the first two myths, which I try to discuss and bust in this paper. They stem from an unwarranted generalization of Wittgenstein’s ideas regarding philosophical statements and metaphysical claims to scientific (theoretical and experimental) statements. The next four myths are those, which Skinner pioneered in introducing and critically examining—i.e., “the myth of anachronism”, “the myth of reification”, “the myth of coherence” and “the myth of prolepsis”. In the Introduction, I discuss some theoretical basis for this methodological critique to the study of the history of political thought. Afterwards, in the first two parts of the paper, the two Wittgensteinian fallacies will be examined separately through a close reading of the ideas he developed in the two phases of his intellectual life. The four Skinnerian fallacies will be examined through four sections under the third part of the paper. Setting forth an overall review of the debates, which have taken shape around the six introduced fallacies, I conclude the paper with an evaluation of the relations between the Wittgenstein-inspired methodological myths and those discovered by Skinner given the fact that Skinner’s ideas regarding the methodology of the study of the history of political thought were partly under the influence of Wittgenstein’s philosophical ideas.

divine philosophers and thinkers believe that the Hebrew tradition and the rational system of ancient Greece had an ontological influence on Christian theology and its sacred text. . Given this as a fact, this paper aims to answer the question “how Christian theology led to the creation of humanism, especially in the modern political theories?” During the research, we realized that the dialectical transition of the West from medieval church dominance to the subjectivity of man cannot be considered a paradigmatic shift. Rather, the Christian doctrine of Trinity extends the embodiment of the “Spirit of God” in the “Son of God” to the pragmatism in the Son of Man (Jesus Christ), and justifies it through the Hebrew tradition and the ancient Greek philosophy. Using comparative-interpretive method, this research tries to find the reasons why Christian political theology shifted from “asceticism” in early Christianity to the subjugation of man by the church, and later on, what happened in dark medieval times is discussed and that how Christian political theology had to accepted “humanism” and “rationality” inevitably to cope with the modern times.

One of the most important sources in the history of political thought in Iran is the literary texts left from the past. What is important for retrieving these ideas is the way and method of understanding, receiving and reading the desired concepts in them. Kelileh and Demneh is one of these texts whose content is very close to the politics and methods of governing. One of the methods that can be used to extract political concepts from past texts is the intentional hermeneutic method of Quentin Skinner. In this article, based on this method, an attempt has been made to reread the important outlines of his thought in his introduction to the translation of Kelileh and Demneh, considering the context and time of Nasrullah Munshi. The main question revolves around the components of Nasrullah Munshi's political thought and his purpose in writing the preface to the translation. Legitimacy of sovereignty through religion, the need to obey kings, religion and politics and social justice observed that with their plan to legitimize and justify the position of kings in the last period of the Ghaznavid dynasty. From this point of view, the secretary's idea has not been studied so far, and this is considered as a writing innovation.

Freedom is the most important concept in Kant's practical philosophy. Purpose of this paper is to examine relation between freedom and other concepts of Kant's practical philosophy with politics in general and desirable government in particular. We first provided a theoretical framework derived from phenomenology theory. We studied it in a descriptive-analytical method. In this theoretical framework, we can analyze how to prove the freedom of human will. The authority is base of Kant's practical philosophy and the two concepts of "duty" and "right" are determined by it. Duty in realm of inner freedom is object of ethic and right in realm of external freedom is object of private and public rights. By examining Kant's political thought a number of important results were obtained; first, when one's practice is ethically valid that be completely free and there is no other motive other than free will (principle of duty). Under these circumstances, individual’s perfection is possible. The characteristics of a Kant's desirable government that provide the conditions for individual’s perfection are: 1- Ending human beings 2- Individual freedom 3- Rule of law 4- Principle of separation of powers. Kant introduces the constitutional republic as the desirable state.

Religion plays an important role in shaping how people see the world around them and has a potentially important effect on political ideologies. Despite the interest in Iran in the past three decades in the study of religion using quantitative methods, there have been hardly any works that take religion as an explanatory variable in explaining political attitudes or political behavior. We propose a construct named political Islam. We show how this construct relates to various dimensions of religiosity, and how it can explain a wide range of political attitudes as an explanatory variable. Not surprisingly, more religious people possess higher levels of political Islam. It is interesting that political Islam has a significant explanatory power in explaining a wide range of political attitudes even when we control for multiple dimensions of religiosity. Similarly, political Islam has a far greater and more significant relationship with political attitudes compared to party identification.

The coronavirus epidemic, has forced most states to declare a "state of exception". Although it is not possible to speak of a common understanding of this situation; But the declaration of a state of exception has been interpreted by thinkers such as Michel Foucault, Karl-Schmitt, and Giorgio Agamben in favor of increasing the established ruling power. While theoretically explaining the exceptional situation, the political and legal effects of declaring such a situation in France and its comparison with Iran are discussed. The main question of this article is how the political-biological consequences of declaring a state of exception in France and Iran have led to an increase in government powers, restrictions on the freedom of citizens, and ultimately the alignment of civil society against state rule. The state of exception declared in France under the "public interest" has led to the establishment of a police-military order in society, which has suspended the daily life of its citizens and cast a shadow over the continuation of the state of exception by perpetuating fear among the population. The exceptional situation created after the corona epidemic in Iran, although not as definite as in France, has produced dramatic political changes that are considered to be disruptive to the former social order. In fact, in both countries, the corona has become the driving force behind by declaring a state of exception, it has changed power relations in favor of government sovereignty.

Misunderstanding of theological basis for behavior of an Islamic State in strategic spheres, such as deterrence methods, is an effective factor on misconception of international actors to real strategic approach of that state. Therefore, misconception of I.R.I real intention of nuclear activities, have been a continuous concern for some nuclear powers during the two recent decades. It seems it have not yet done a separate research to indicate the firm linkage between theological basis of Islam and atomic power role in its deterrence. Hence, the important question is that whether construction and use of nuclear weapons in Islam would be permitted or not? Prevalent interpretation of Quran signifies to a certain Jurisprudence Sanctity of this issue in the framework of deterrence strategy utilized by an Islamic state such as I.R.I. This article emphasizes that the commitment to non-production, accumulation and use of nuclear weapons, is rooted in Islamic beliefs and Quran teachings rather than opposition of powers and so is not a tactical action. In the framework of ijtihad rational interpretation, this article tries to look for real will of holy legislator about construction and use of these weapons against Koffar. Signalizing teachings of Quran and Jurisprudence to Sanctity of construction and use of nuclear weapons (as the dominant idea), versus the weak idea permitting construction of them would be considered main achievement and conclusion of this writing.

The state and the bazaar have experienced variable relations as the two political and economic institutions in contemporary Iran, especially during the Islamic Republic. In the first decade , the state tried to decrease the bazaarc's influence and power in the political and economic spheres in the framework of centralized economic system. But with the arrival of the second decade and the beginning of the presidential term, Hashemi Rafsanjani, these relations have changed greatly. This change was influenced by the Taking the economic adjjustment policies by Rafsanjani in his first government, which provided the grounds for the empowerment and domination of the traditional right wing and the market in the major institutions and institutions of power and authority of the country. But gradually, since 1993, it created the grounds for a dispute between his state and the faction of the bazaar and led to confrontation between them. This article's main question is that how the economic policies influence the interaction between government and bazaar in the Hashemi Rafsanjani's first and second state. The authors' hypothesis is that although in the Hashemi' state first, with the implementation of liberalism policies, commercial and traditional capitalism in the context of the government was able to secure its own interests. But the new economic policies of the second state, the formation of the industrial capitalist class, the entry of foreign investment into the country, inflation, the change in the distribution system, and the creation of chain stores caused a dramatic change in the relations between the state and the bazaar.

Law is one of the modern concepts that has been presented to Muslim scholars since the Qajar government. The possibility of customary legislation has always been a problem of thought and has become a point of contention for religious ideas after the Islamic Revolution. The lack of theoretical arguments and basic agreement in explaining its exact position has caused widespread practical challenges. This research seeks to; descriptive-analytical and comparative method; in the framework of critical theory, answer the question that; from the point of view of religious ideas after the Islamic Revolution of Iran, is customary legislation possible in public affairs or not? After the Islamic Revolution, two types of religious ideas about the possibility or refusal of law have emerged. From the point of view of the supporters of traditional religious thought, legislation is done only by jurists and customary legislation is considered as a kind of polytheism in the Lordship, but from the point of view of religious modernism, customary legislation is possible due to human rights, equality and freedom in political life. The aim of this article is to examine the views of the supporters of religious ideas after the Islamic Revolution in a precise and clear manner and to propose dialogue in a free and independent space and to submit to the democratic game in order to achieve a common discourse on legislation.